It is one thing to say that the world’s deadliest conflicts are being ignored, it is another to convincingly show it. It is necessary to first put the scale of the world’s conflicts in perspective – to find out how deadly they actually are. This is more easily said than done, for a number of reasons. Firstly, often no one is counting. Secondly, if someone is counting, they may have a vested interest in the outcome of the ‘count’ – a party to the conflict may want to show how low the damage is from their belligerence, while those considering themselves as being on the side of the victims (or aid organization trying to attract large donations) may want to show how high the death toll is. Finally, there is not necessarily a consensus as to which deaths count as conflict-related deaths – do only battle deaths (from the bullets and bombs) count, or should conflict-related deaths from starvation and disease also be counted? On this final question, considering the nature of conflict and its affect on society as a whole, it seems obvious that nonviolent deaths need to be taken into account. These problems aside, the table below is a tentative compilation of the approximate death tolls of conflicts since the end of the Cold War, drawn from a wide variety of sources.
Conflict |
Death Toll |
Democratic Republic of Congo |
5,400,000 |
Southern Sudan |
1,200,000 |
Angola |
800,000 |
Rwanda |
800,000 |
Afghanistan |
500,000 |
Somalia |
400,000 |
Iraq |
400,000 |
Burundi |
300,000 |
Darfur |
300,000 |
Zaire |
300,000 |
Liberia |
200,000 |
Algeria |
150,000 |
Ethiopia-Eritrea |
100,000 |
Chechnya |
100,000 |
Uganda |
100,000 |
Sierra Leone |
50,000 |
Kashmir |
50,000 |
Colombia |
50,000 |
Sri Lanka |
50,000 |
Bosnia-Herzegovina |
50,000 |
Philippines |
20,000 |
Turkey |
20,000 |
Nigeria |
20,000 |
Gulf War |
20,000 |
Azerbaijan |
20,000 |
Bougainville |
20,000 |
Cote d’Ivoire |
10,000 |
Congo, Republic of |
10,000 |
Peru |
10,000 |
Aceh |
10,000 |
Myanmar |
10,000 |
Nepal |
10,000 |
Croatia |
10,000 |
Kosovo |
10,000 |
Kurdish Iraq |
10,000 |
Southern Iraq |
10,000 |
Senegal |
< 10,000 |
Guinea |
< 10,000 |
Chad |
< 10,000 |
Mali |
< 10,000 |
Niger |
< 10,000 |
Central African Republic |
< 10,000 |
Haiti |
< 10,000 |
Mexico |
< 10,000 |
Israel-Palestine |
< 10,000 |
Israel-Lebanon |
< 10,000 |
Yemen |
< 10,000 |
Andrha Pradesh |
< 10,000 |
Gujurat |
< 10,000 |
Northeast India |
< 10,000 |
East Timor |
< 10,000 |
Irian Jaya |
< 10,000 |
Kalimantan |
< 10,000 |
Molucca Islands |
< 10,000 |
Sulawesi |
< 10,000 |
Georgia |
< 10,000 |
Moldova |
< 10,000 |
Northern Ireland |
< 10,000 |
Spain |
< 10,000 |
Despite the lack of reliability of death toll figures, the above compilation can give us a good overview of the relative state of conflict in the post-Cold War world. Many of the figures may actually be much higher than seen here – in many cases no one knows. Some of the figures are compromises – a midway point between two very different (and sometimes hotly contested) estimates. Most are rounded off approximations. Many include nonviolent deaths, while others do not (data simply does not exist). The important point here is not to debate whether the death toll figure for a particular conflict has been underestimated or overestimated by 10,000 or even 100,000 or more (although more accurate counts are always important) – with such a huge gap between the scale of the world’s deadliest conflicts and much smaller conflicts, the accuracy issue seems to lose some of its relevance.
The primary purpose here is to get an idea of the relative size of conflicts that seem to get the attention and humanitarian concern of the outside world and those that do not. It quickly becomes obvious that conflicts that have dominated the agendas of actors in a position to respond (policymakers, the media, the public and academia) are often relatively small in scale compared to many of those that have consistently failed to attract attention. The next challenge will be to find out why this is the case.